The European Commission published the new Guidelines on exclusionary abuse


The European Commission has published its Guidelines on exclusionary abuses of dominance. They replace the 2008 Guidance on enforcement priorities, which is withdrawn and ceases to apply 30 days after the Guidelines are published in the Official Journal.


The new framework does not prevent dominant companies from competing aggressively. A dominant company can lower prices, innovate, develop better products, integrate its operations and win customers from competitors. The central distinction is between winning because the company’s offer is better and weakening competitors through methods that restrict their ability to compete. For companies with significant market positions, that distinction should now become part of ordinary commercial decision-making.


The most effective Article 102 compliance program is therefore not one that asks only whether a practice is prohibited. It asks earlier: why are we doing this, how does it affect customers and competitors, could we achieve the same business objective in a less restrictive way, and do we have the evidence to explain our decision if it is later challenged?


Many of the companies these Guidelines reach are also exposed to United States monopolization law, and the two systems answer the same commercial question differently often enough that a practice cleared on one side of the Atlantic cannot be assumed safe on the other. Each section below therefore ends with the United States position, set off in a marked paragraph.


The Three Stages of the EU Legal Framework

The Commission reduces an exclusionary-abuse case to three stages:

1) Market Power→2) Competitive Conduct →3) Possible Objective Justification.

At the first stage, dominance is a status settled before the conduct is examined, and that status attracts duties in dealing with competitors. At the second stage, the test is capability rather than realized effect, and for some conduct a presumption applies: when certain factual elements are established, the conduct is presumed to distort effective competition, and the evidentiary burden shifts to the undertaking, which may rebut the presumption with arguments and evidence. At the third stage, justification carries its own evidentiary requirements.


United States. There are two elements rather than three stages: monopoly power in a relevant market, and the willful acquisition or maintenance of that power, as distinguished from growth or development as a consequence of a superior product, business acumen, or historic accident. Justification is not a third stage but a rebuttal within the second element, and no presumption moves the burden of persuasion off the plaintiff at any point.


Stage One: Market Power

Dominance is a status. It is settled before the conduct is examined, and it attracts duties in the undertaking’s dealings with competitors. A very large market share held over a sustained period is by itself, save in exceptional circumstances, evidence of dominance, and that is so in particular at 50% or more. Dominance may also be found below 50%, where other factors — among them the strength and number of competitors — become particularly relevant. Below 40% dominance is “generally unlikely”. That is a soft threshold and not a safe harbor: a finding below it remains possible, for example where customers depend on the undertaking or competitors face serious capacity limitations. None of this is new substantive law; the 50% principle comes from established case law.

Market shares are not determinative. Weight is given to barriers to entry and expansion, including access to capital and — of particular significance in modern markets — data-driven advantages, network effects and digital ecosystems. The Guidelines treat access to large, high-quality datasets and the computational power to analyze them as capable of constituting barriers to developing artificial intelligence (¶ 31), and state that a high share held over a prolonged period may itself indicate barriers to entry or expansion (¶ 40).

A company approaching or exceeding a 50% share should not wait for an investigation. Commercial initiatives involving exclusivity, rebates, bundling, access restrictions, platform rules or the treatment of competing products should be reviewed before implementation. A company below 50% should not assume the rules are irrelevant, particularly where customers depend heavily on it, where competitors cannot readily increase capacity, or where entry requires substantial investment, data, scale, distribution or access to a platform.


United States.  Power is evidence, not a status, and the threshold is higher. United States law distinguishes market power from monopoly power; the difference is one of degree and of durability rather than of kind. Market power becomes monopoly power “only if it is durable”. FTC v. Meta Platforms, Inc. Monopoly power is the ability to price substantially above the competitive level and to persist in doing so for a significant period without erosion by new entry or expansion. It is proved either directly, by supracompetitive pricing sustained over time, or indirectly, by a dominant share of a defined market together with significant barriers to entry; direct evidence does not dispense with defining the market. On the numbers, the Ninth Circuit states that shares of 60 to 70 percent have supported findings of monopoly power and that courts generally require 65 percent for a prima facie case, while other courts state 70 to 80 percent. In November 2025, the court in FTC v. Meta held that a share of about one third of the market it had defined could not establish monopoly power as a matter of law. The 50% figure has no counterpart. Under Article 102, a very large share held over a sustained period is by itself, save in exceptional circumstances, evidence of dominance, so it is the firm under investigation that must displace the inference; in the United States, the plaintiff must prove barriers to entry and durability as part of its own case, and no share figure relieves it of that. Epic Games, Inc. v. Apple Inc. is the illustration: a share of 52 to 57 percent was market power, but it was not durable enough to be monopoly power.

There is also a difference of timing. On the view taken in FTC v. Meta, the plaintiff must prove that the defendant holds monopoly power now, so a defendant whose position has eroded since the conduct may prevail without its conduct being examined at all.  Under Article 102, dominance is assessed by reference to the period of the conduct, so the same erosion does not answer the case.


Stage two:  what makes a practice Illegal?

Several things do not decide the case. Not market power, which is not unlawful in itself. Not the intention to exclude: the Commission generally does not need to prove that the undertaking intended to exclude, although internal documents or other evidence of a deliberate strategy to shut competitors out can strengthen its case. Not actual exclusion: the effect must be more than hypothetical, but it is sufficient that the conduct is capable of producing the exclusionary effect, and the Commission need not show that the strategy would ultimately be profitable. Not proof of consumer harm: there is no requirement to show that consumers have already paid higher prices or suffered some other direct injury, because harm can result from damage to the competitive structure itself.


The key question is how businesses compete.

Winning customers by a better product, lower prices, better service or greater innovation is normal competition, even where competitors lose substantial business.

Pricing may trigger action: the level of a price, the discounts attached to it and the way it is structured. The practical question the Commission asks is whether a competitor as efficient as the dominant undertaking could still make money at the prices the dominant undertaking charges.

Conduct other than pricing is equally within the framework — self-preferencing, exclusive dealing, refusal to supply. The test is whether the undertaking is using methods other than competition on price, quality, or innovation to disadvantage rivals, and whether the conduct can realistically weaken competition.

A dominant platform that improves its own service so that customers prefer it is competing normally. A dominant platform that changes its ranking system so that its own service appears above competing services regardless of quality or relevance raises a different question.

The Commission also considers whether the undertaking limits rivals’ access to something important for competing, and whether that restriction could weaken them. Indispensability is generally not required unless the case falls under the narrower refusal-to-supply doctrine. A company should not assume that because competitors can technically survive without the input, Article 102 cannot apply: that may answer a strict refusal-to-supply claim without answering an access-restriction claim.

Two categories carry the highest risk. Conduct that is by its very nature harmful to competition is deemed illegal once established; the Commission’s own example is dismantling infrastructure to exclude competitors from using it. And exclusive dealing—arrangements requiring or strongly encouraging customers to buy all or most of their requirements from the dominant undertaking, whether by obligation or through rebates conditional on exclusivity—is presumed to distort effective competition, with the undertaking entitled to rebut the presumption with arguments and evidence.


United States. The starting point is similar, and the machinery is not. Conduct is exclusionary only if it harms the competitive process and thereby harms consumers; harm to one or more competitors will not suffice. As in Europe, the government generally need not wait until the strategy succeeds and competitors disappear. But there is no category of conduct presumed to distort competition and no category deemed harmful by its very nature. And a practice that is presumptively unlawful in Europe may simply be one the plaintiff has to prove out in the United States. Two further limits apply: a private plaintiff must also prove antitrust injury and causation of its own loss.

Pricing diverges furthest. A price above the appropriate measure of cost is lawful whatever its exclusionary effect and whatever the intent behind it; the plaintiff must prove pricing below cost and a dangerous probability of recouping the loss. Rebates show how much the classification matters. A loyalty rebate — a discount the customer earns by taking all or most of its requirements from one supplier — can be looked at in two ways. Seen as a price, the only question is arithmetic: the whole discount is attributed to the part of the customer’s demand that a rival could realistically compete for, and if a rival as efficient as the dominant firm could still cover its costs at the resulting price, the rebate is lawful, however effectively it holds the customer. Seen as a condition — money paid for a promise not to buy elsewhere — the question is instead how much of the market is closed to rivals, and the price level does not answer it. United States law starts from the first view and reaches the second only where the price is not the main instrument of exclusion. Even on the second view nothing is presumed: exclusivity by a firm with monopoly power is not unlawful in itself, and the plaintiff must prove that the arrangement forecloses a substantial share of the market, taking into account its coverage, its duration and how easily customers can leave. The Guidelines settle the same question in advance and by category: a rebate conditional on exclusivity is dealt with as exclusive dealing, where the conduct is presumed to distort competition and the undertaking must rebut the presumption, while rebates not conditional on exclusivity are assessed on their effects in a section of their own. The same rebate can therefore be lawful in the United States because the arithmetic clears cost, and presumptively unlawful in Europe because of the category it falls into. The economics is the same on both sides; the sorting rule is not

Access to inputs diverges next. United States law recognizes no general duty to deal. There is no separate category of access restrictions short of a refusal, so the European point that indispensability is generally not required has no counterpart: in the United States, a plaintiff who cannot bring the case within the narrow refusal-to-deal exception generally has no claim at all.

Conduct held unlawful in the current cycle shows the overlap that does exist: exclusive default and pre-installation agreements foreclosing the most valuable route to users, United States v. Google LLC. Tying a publisher ad server to an ad exchange by product design, United States v. Google LLC, contractual and technical restrictions on the channels through which a rival product reaches users.


Stage three: Objective justifications

Business justifications need evidence, not explanations. The dominant firm must establish either objective necessity or an efficiency defense: that the restriction was genuinely necessary for a legitimate business reason, such as safety, security, technical reliability, or the integrity of its service; or that the practice generated efficiencies that outweigh the harm to competition.

It must also provide evidence of the claimed benefits —lower prices, better quality, improved security, faster delivery, greater innovation. Those benefits must be real, measurable and likely to reach customers. Where a less restrictive means of achieving the same objective was available, the justification is unlikely to succeed. In practice, this means businesses should assess and document the reasons for a restrictive measure before introducing it, rather than reconstructing them once an investigation has begun.


United States.  “Objective justification” is European vocabulary; there is no equivalent term and no separate stage. The same material enters as a rebuttal inside the conduct inquiry, under several names: “valid business reasons” and “normal business purpose”, “procompetitive justification”, “procompetitive rationale.”  The sequence is that the plaintiff must show anticompetitive effect; the monopolist may then proffer a non-pretextual justification; and if that justification stands unrebutted, the plaintiff must show that the anticompetitive harm outweighs the procompetitive benefit. The defendant therefore carries a burden of production only, and the burden of persuasion never leaves the plaintiff, including at the balancing step.

The screen is also different in kind. It is sincerity rather than necessity: the claim must be non-pretextual, and no proportionality is required, because antitrust law “does not require businesses to use anything like the least restrictive means of achieving legitimate business purposes” and “courts should not second-guess ‘degrees of reasonable necessity’”. Alston


Three structural differences, in short

First, dominance is a status in Europe and evidence in the United States. In Europe, a share of 50% or more held over time will ordinarily establish the status, and the status attracts duties; in the United States, a share is one input into an inference of power, the threshold quoted is higher, and the power must be durable.

Second, the burden shifts in Europe and does not shift in the United States, though it shifts in two different ways. On dominance, the European formula is evidential — the legal burden of proving the infringement stays with the Commission under Article 2 of Regulation 1/2003 — but a very large share held over a sustained period leaves the undertaking as the party that must produce something. On conduct the Guidelines go further: where a presumption applies, the evidentiary burden moves to the undertaking outright. United States law has neither device: the plaintiff proves power, including barriers and durability, proves anticompetitive effect, and keeps the burden of persuasion throughout.

Third, justification is a stage in Europe and a rebuttal in the United States, and the two tests differ: objective necessity, benefits reaching customers, and the availability of a less restrictive means, against a screen that asks only whether the claim is a pretext.

The practical consequence for a company exposed to both systems is that the European analysis is the binding constraint. A practice that survives the United States tests may still be presumptively unlawful in Europe, and the evidence needed to rebut a European presumption has to exist before the practice is introduced.

Earlier Insights

The antitrust case brought by Texas and twelve other states against BlackRock and State Street

The States allege that BlackRock, State Street, and Vanguard used their influence as large shareholders in competing coal companies to push those companies to reduce thermal-coal production. According to the States, those reductions restrained competition in the coal markets, increased coal prices, and ultimately increased electricity prices paid by consumers. Judge Kernodle let the complaint past the pleadings on August 1, 2025. Vanguard settled with all thirteen on February 26, 2026, for $29.5 million and a set of “passivity commitments”; BlackRock and State Street answered in March 2026 and are litigating. The Court’s decision on the motion to dismiss the case held that the States plausibly alleged a conspiracy and anticompetitive use of minority shareholdings. So the theory is not frivolous, but can the States actually prove that coordinated stewardship caused independent coal producers to reduce output?


From “plausibility of influence” to “proof of influence and causation"

BlackRock and State Street filed a 12(c) motion for partial judgment on the pleadings.  The motion does not seek dismissal of the entire antitrust case; it targets specific damages and state-law remedies, and argues that electricity consumers are too remote from the alleged coal-market restraint under Illinois Brick and AGC to recover antitrust damages. In other words, the antitrust theory could ultimately survive while the financial consequences of the case become much narrower. If BlackRock and State Street win the 12(c) motion, the States could still pursue injunctive relief and other surviving remedies, but the very large theory of damages flowing through coal prices into electricity bills could be removed. The real future test of the theory is therefore likely to be summary judgment: whether the States have evidence sufficient for a reasonable factfinder to conclude that coordinated stewardship by BlackRock and State Street actually caused competing coal producers to restrain output, rather than the producers making independent decisions for ordinary market reasons.


The core theory vulnerabilities: six links and a missing Lever

Stated in one breath: BlackRock and State Street hold large stakes in the publicly traded coal producers → they influence those producers → the producers cut output → coal prices rise → generators’ costs rise → wholesale and retail electricity prices rise → consumers are harmed.

The case that survived the motion to dismiss is a coordination case that happens to involve common owners. The chain as usually recited borrows the intuitive plausibility of the structural theory and then proceeds under the legal architecture of the conduct theory. Those are different cases, with different proofs. From a corporate law standpoint, the second link asks us to accept that shareholders produced, through instruments aimed at governance, an outcome the law allocates to someone else — and that the recipients of the pressure complied even where compliance meant subordinating the corporation’s own interest, with the fiduciary consequences that would follow. The Vanguard settlement confirms the point by its shape. Its restrictions run to engagement, advocacy, opposition to directors and divestment threats — not to output, because no shareholder undertaking could reach output directly. The remedy targets the levers, because the levers are all there is.

From an antitrust perspective, the remaining links: output to coal price, coal price to generation cost, generation cost to the bill a household pays face significant issues. Coal prices form under long-term supply contracts; wholesale power prices are typically set at the margin by gas-fired units; retail rates are set by state regulators. Market definition alone may be dispositive — define the market as fuel for generation rather than coal, and the effect dissolves. The court reserved the question in terms worth quoting: whether and to what extent the alleged agreement “caused the alleged anticompetitive harm” presents “weighty economics questions that the Court will not resolve at this stage.”

 


What would actually have to be proved

The States ultimately need evidence showing more than common ownership, common ESG commitments, participation in climate initiatives, and similar voting behavior. They need evidence that a factfinder could conclude BlackRock and State Street coordinated and that their coordinated conduct actually affected independent production decisions by competing coal companies. Possible evidence could include communications requesting production or investment changes; management responses showing that those requests mattered; voting threats or director-election pressure; internal coal-company documents attributing strategic changes to investor demands; or evidence that capital expenditures/capacity decisions changed because of coordinated shareholder pressure.

The common-ownership theory has crossed the threshold from academic hypothesis to legally cognizable antitrust claim, but it has not yet crossed the much more demanding threshold from plausible inference to demonstrated competitive effect. Its survival will likely depend on whether discovery reveals concrete evidence connecting coordinated asset-manager stewardship to actual coal-company output decisions.

Minority Holdings and Antitrust

BlackRock and State Street filed the answer in the coal-market antitrust case in the Eastern District of Texas

13 states alleged that BlackRock, Vanguard, and State Street used their positions as large common owners and ESG “stewards” to coordinate a fossil‑fuel production pullback and mislead States/consumers about it. By collectively owning significant stakes in rival coal producers and engaging in aligned climate commitments and proxy voting, the three institutional investors acted in concert to reduce coal output in the “South Powder River Basin” and broader thermal coal markets.


The Court's decision on the Motion to Dismiss the Case

In August last year, the Eastern District of Texas denied the three institutional investors’ motion to dismiss. The Court observed that the states had plausibly alleged that BlackRock, Vanguard, and State Street “acquired significant amounts of stock in coal companies and then used their market power to pressure the companies to decrease coal production” and did not qualify for the Clayton Act’s safe harbor for passive investors. The states later settled their claims against Vanguard for money plus forward‑looking conduct limits, without any admission of wrongdoing.


BlackRock and State Street's Answer

BlackRock and State Street expressly state one key proposition: their “holdings of public company stock on behalf of its funds and clients do not give it control over the issuers.” To the extent they hold shares on behalf of their funds and clients, they act as an intermediary or agent, implementing strategies and stewardship within a fiduciary framework rather than acting as an owner, making entrepreneurial decisions about coal production. Additionally, they tie coal production outcomes to independent drivers—long-term demand decline, natural gas competition, environmental regulation, bankruptcies, rail and labor constraints, COVID-19, and the war in Ukraine—rather than to anything they control through shareholdings or stewardship.


The control dilemma

The core allegation is that by collectively owning significant stakes in rival coal producers and engaging in aligned climate commitments, engagement, and proxy voting, BlackRock, Vanguard, and State Street softened competition among those producers, restrained production, and raised electricity/coal prices paid by utilities and consumers.

The real problem for the states is proving causation, because the law requires a mechanism of control or influence over the issuers to link the institutional investors' minority holdings to the firm's conduct in the relevant coal markets.  On the MTD decision, the court was applying a plausibility standard, not making findings of fact.

To prevail, the states must identify a concrete mechanism by which minority, client‑driven stockholdings translate into issuer‑level decisions about capacity and production. At present, it is unclear how holdings “on behalf of funds and clients”—the ordinary index‑fund posture BlackRock and State Street emphasize—conferred the practical leverage needed to override independent business judgment in coal markets. The States will ultimately have to show how what looks like conventional index‑style ownership in form actually functioned as a form of control in substance

Marketplace price‑control mechanisms: lessons from Amazon decision in Germany

Pricing power, algorithmic exclusion, and transparency

The Bundeskartellamt (FCO) found that Amazon’s systematic influence over third‑party sellers’ prices on Amazon.de constitutes an abuse of market power. According to the FCO, Amazon used automated tools to continuously review third‑party sellers’ prices against benchmarks, including prices on other websites and on Amazon itself. The decision builds on Amazon’s 2022 designation as an undertaking of “paramount significance for competition across markets” under Section 19a GWB, which subjects Amazon and its subsidiaries to extended abuse control for a five‑year period.


Amazon's algorithmic control of competition

Amazon deployed several algorithmic “price control” tools that monitor marketplace sellers’ prices, compare them to reference benchmarks, and, if they are deemed “too high”, either remove the offer from the marketplace entirely or exclude it from, or downgrade it in, the Buy Box—drastically cutting visibility and sales. Because Amazon operates as both a retailer and an operator of the marketplace, it directly competes with the same sellers whose prices it disciplines. This hybrid position means that Amazon’s control over competitors’ prices can allow it to determine the general price level on Amazon.de and to shape competition in the wider online retail market.


Disgorgement of Profits

The FCO ordered Amazon to pay 59 million EUR, describing this as a partial amount because the infringement is ongoing. This is significant. Traditionally, European competition regimes have relied on fines rather than benefit disgorgement by authorities, and this is the first time the FCO’s reformed profit‑skimming tool has been used in a competition case. Under the 2023 amendments to the GWB, the FCO can presume that an infringement generates an economic benefit of at least 1 % of the domestic turnover related to the infringement. In Amazon’s case, it applied that presumption to Amazon.de’s relevant German turnover to arrive at 59 million EUR.


How can a mechanism to keep a lower price level be illegal under the antitrust law?

The FCO explicitly says it is not attacking Amazon’s low‑price objective. What it considers unlawful are the specific enforcement tools—de‑listing and Buy Box suppression—because they are not necessary and are overly restrictive. Even if, in the short run, banning these tools may put some upward pressure on prices, the FCO is betting that medium‑term consumer welfare is higher with more independent competition, more transparency, and less platform control over rivals’ prices. It also fears that systematic matching of the lowest off‑platform price across Amazon.de can lead to a form of price coordination: rival online shops may stop undercutting, because any price cut is instantly mirrored on Amazon, muting the dynamic of price competition. In the FCO’s view, Amazon could pursue low prices through less intrusive means—such as lowering fees or offering rebates—without disciplining sellers’ prices through opaque threats of exclusion


The clash between two views of competition

On the one hand, there is a narrow, price‑centric view of consumer welfare that focuses on the lowest possible prices at a given point in time. On the other hand, there is a broader, dynamic‑competition view that stresses market structure, entry, and independence from gatekeeper control. The decision consciously trades some algorithmically enforced low prices today for a thicker, less platform‑controlled competitive process that is expected to benefit consumers over time.

In that sense, the case is not just about Amazon: it is an early test of how far European enforcers are willing to go to prioritise long‑term competitive dynamics over short‑term price effects in digital ecosystems.

Cowboy Culture, Schumpeter, and European Capitalism

Why is innovation in Europe a chimera?

The recent remarks of European Commission Competition Commissioner Teresa Ribera at the Fordham Law School conference on International Antitrust Law and Policy, and Antitrust Economics signal a nuanced shift in EU competition policy: to make EU antitrust enforcement more closely align with American economic dynamisms.

In this remark of the remarks, we explain why we think Europe "cannot make it," which brings us back to the title of this short comment.


No cowboys in Europe, but a social market economy

Risk-taking and entrepreneurial dynamism are primarily based on a state of disorder, more similar to the  Old West than Versailles in France, or the Habsburg court in Vienna. Different instincts generate different societal structures, and entrepreneurial initiative appears to be driven by profit-maximizing instincts rather than cooperative impulses. Monopoly profits are a necessary reward for innovation and risk-taking, so the real question is whether Europe is ready to embrace a process of creative destruction and tolerate cycles of boom and bust, that is, embrace market disorder as a driver of progress. 

While theorists like Schumpeter and Feyerabend originated in Europe, the continent’s regulatory culture resists such radical change, and the "therapeutic obstinacy" against Google is an involuntary admission. While the European Commission imposed another fine on Google, Judge Mehta in US. v. Google observed that the emergence of generative AI changed the course of the case. GenAI was a key factor in his decision to choose less drastic remedies than those requested by the Department of Justice (DOJ), such as structural separation.


Special responsibility, fairness, stability, and ordo liberalism

The ordo-liberal concept of economic order, on which the European competition is rooted, is based on ideals of social hierarchy, stability, and responsible stewardship in economic life, priorities that are not so different from those of European aristocracies in the past. The role of public institutions is to manage relationships in the economy hierarchically, ensuring no disruptive individualism, but rather predictability and control. It is self-revealing  what the Executive Vice-President, Ribera, observed: "Our new rules will clearly explain when we won't intervene and highlight mergers that promote innovation, giving these dynamic companies certainty and reducing red tape." It does not sound like a market-driven approach, but rather a clear attempt to channel market activities into frameworks.


Conclusions

Europe excels in coordinated innovation and complex regulatory frameworks. Yet, the continent’s resistance to the cycles of creative destruction and entrepreneurial risk remains a fundamental barrier. Until the EU policy fully embraces the disorder and uncertainty of a market-driven economy, disruptive innovation and market-making innovation remain an elusive goal.

Comparing Access Obligations for Dominant Players in the U.S. and the EU

Advocate General Laila Medina, in a non-binding opinion for the EU Court of Justice (CJEU), addressed whether antitrust law can require Lukoil to grant access to competitors (under the so-called Essential Facility doctrine).

The case originated from Lukoil's refusal to grant importers and other producers access to its terminals and warehouses.


EU Test

In the EU, the 1998 Bronner test governs when a dominant entity must allow competitor access to its facilities under Article 102 TFEU.

Under Bronner, three criteria must be met.

1) Indispensability (access to the facility is the only means to compete, and there are no actual or potential alternatives available)

2) Elimination of Competition (the refusal is likely to eliminate all competition in the downstream market by the requesting party)

3) Lack of Objective Justification (the refusal is not objectively justified (e.g., capacity constraints, efficiency reasons, protection of investments)

However, the Bronner Test does not apply to a dominant player who does not fully control the facility, for example, because it is subject to regulatory constraints (such as regulated ports or telecom networks). In other words, Bronner requires actual ownership and autonomy over the asset.


Lukoil argued before the court in April that it had made significant investments after acquiring the Bulgarian state-owned assets.
The Advocate General advised the Court that so long as the company was acting as a "reasonable market participant," then it could also expect to see its property rights protected.


U.S. Test

In the U.S., a monopolist may be compelled to share a facility if:

1) Control of the facility

2) Competitors cannot practically or reasonably duplicate it

3) Access is denied

4) Providing access is feasible


Current state of the doctrine

The US Supreme Court has shown skepticism toward the Essential Facility doctrine. Aspen Skiing (1985), still considered the leading U.S. case, was decided on unusual facts (termination of profitable cooperation, harming consumers). In Verizon v. Trinko (2004), the Court refused to extend the doctrine and certified its dormant state.
The CJEU takes a restrictive approach and considers compulsory access as exceptional.

While under EU antitrust rules, market dominance comes with heightened duties under the “special responsibility” doctrine, as to Refusal to Supply/Essential Facilities, both jurisdictions converge on the same policy concern: to protect incentives to invest and avoid forced sharing unless absolutely necessary.

In conclusion, the Essential Facility doctrine is an exceptional remedy, not a routine regulatory tool.

Bundled discounts as potential anti-competitive exclusive dealing arrangements 

 The ruling highlights that bundled discounts and exclusive rebate contracts, particularly among dominant pharmaceutical companies, will face close scrutiny when they significantly hinder competitors from entering the market. Bundled discounts are usually seen as pro-competitive, benefitting buyers via lower prices and efficiencies. However, under certain circumstances, they can be exclusionary and violate antitrust laws. Where bundled discounts tie up substantial market share, particularly with customers who would otherwise consider rival suppliers, they can stifle competition and raise antitrust concerns. While courts recognize legitimate efficiency justifications (lower costs, improved logistics), discounts that exceed reasonable cost savings and are structured to maximize exclusion may be challenged under antitrust statutes.


Requirements

  • Market Power Requirement (foreclosure concerns arise primarily when the bundling firm holds significant market power in at least one of the products in the bundle);
  • Discount-Attribution Test (the test allocates the entire bundle's discount to the competitive product and asks if the resulting price falls below the defendant's incremental cost. If so, and if an equally efficient competitor cannot match, the arrangement may be deemed exclusionary and anticompetitive).


Ruling

On April 10, 2025, the federal court denied Amgen’s motion for summary judgment. The court found that Regeneron presented enough evidence for its antitrust and tortious interference claims to proceed to trial and that key factual disputes required jury consideration


The court determined there were unresolved factual questions regarding:

  • Whether Amgen’s bundled discounts restricted Regeneron’s market access due to Regeneron's less diverse product portfolio.
  • Whether Amgen’s rebate contracts with pharmacy benefit managers (PBMs) amounted to de facto exclusive dealing that substantially foreclosed Regeneron from the market.
  • Whether Amgen’s pricing in certain portions of the market fell below cost under the "price-cost" test and whether recoupment was possible


Comment

The court cited precedent supporting the view that bundled discount practices and rebate arrangements could constitute actionable anticompetitive conduct if they result in market foreclosure (LePage’s Inc. v. 3M; ZF Meritor, LLC v. Eaton Corp.) The Cascade Health Solutions v. PeaceHealth test was referenced for below-cost pricing in bundled arrangements. The standard in Cascade makes the defendant's bundled discounts legal unless the “attributed” price of the competitive product is below the defendants incremental cost and the discounts have the potential to exclude a hypothetical equally efficient producer of the competitive product.


This ruling underscores that bundled discounts and exclusive rebate contracts, especially among dominant pharmaceutical companies, will be closely scrutinized when they may substantially foreclose competitors from the market. The case highlights increased litigation risk for pharmaceutical manufacturers whose PBM contracting practices leverage dominant drugs to secure exclusivity or preferred placement in formularies

Common Ownership and Antitrust 

FTC and  DOJ to support states' action against BlackRock, State Street, and Vanguard

The FTC and DOJ support the states' action accusing BlackRock, State Street, and Vanguard to harm competition as part of climate-related initiatives. The asset managers collectively own substantial shares in multiple competing coal companies  (between 24 and 34 percent of seven of the nine coal companies, with smaller shares in the remaining two).


By acting in concert—through shareholder resolutions, engagement, or other means—they allegedly pressured the management of competing coal companies to obtain their commitment to limit carbon emissions by restricting the production of coal within the United States.


Output reduction can lead to higher prices and reduced consumer welfare, both of which are hallmarks of anticompetitive behavior.  Such conduct can be challenged under Section 1 of the Sherman Act (prohibiting agreements that unreasonably restrain trade) and Section 7 of the Clayton Act (addressing mergers or acquisitions that may lessen competition).


Main Arguments:

- The “solely for investment” exemption in Section 7 of the Clayton Act does not provide blanket immunity to asset managers if they use their stock holdings to harm competition


- Control is not required: Minority shareholdings can violate antitrust laws if used to influence competitors’ business decisions in an anticompetitive manner, even without controlling stakes


- The Clayton Act Prohibits the Anticompetitive Use of Minority Interest Acquisitions to Substantially Lessen Competition


- Concerted action under Section 1 of the Sherman Act can be established even without explicit agreements


- Anticompetitive output restraint requires an overall decrease in production: Output can increase but still be restrained below competitive levels, harming competition


Comment: Weaponizing Antitrust or Enforcement?

The lawsuits against asset managers like BlackRock, State Street, and Vanguard—alleging that their climate-related shareholder actions amount to antitrust violations—are widely seen by critics as an attempt to use antitrust law to undermine climate and environmental, social, and governance (ESG) initiatives.


The FTC and DOJ, in their joint statement of interest, emphasize that the case is about the misuse of market power to manipulate energy markets, not about attacking climate goals.


They argue that when institutional investors use their influence across multiple competitors to achieve anticompetitive outcomes—such as restricting output and raising prices—this falls squarely within the scope of antitrust enforcement, regardless of the underlying motivation.


This case applies Section 7 (which focus on prospective harm from mergers) retrospectively to challenge how existing minority shareholdings were used post-acquisition. The agencies argue that post-acquisition conduct can demonstrate that the stock was not held “solely for investment”.  The DOJ and FTC cite precedent (e.g., United States v. ITT Continental Baking Co.) affirming that Section 7 applies to stock holdings used anticompetitively, not just their acquisition.


In conclusion, the agencies stop short of condemning common ownership outright and emphasize that conduct—not just structural shareholding—determines antitrust liability. Importantly, the FTC/DOJ’s stance establishes a new enforcement frontier: using antitrust law to police shareholder conduct.

Minority Shareholdings Collusion Risks

The €329 million European Commission's fine against Delivery Hero and Glovo signals a shift in European competition law, highlighting the significant risks of collusion associated with minority shareholdings in rival companies. The Commission found that Delivery Hero’s minority, non-controlling stake in Glovo (acquired from 2018 and increased to full control in 2022) enabled and facilitated unlawful coordination between the two companies. This included exchanging sensitive commercial information, dividing markets, and agreeing not to poach each other’s employees—practices that collectively constituted a cartel and violated Article 101 TFEU. This case is both the first time the European Commission has sanctioned the anti-competitive use of a minority shareholding in a rival company, and also the first EU enforcement case concerning labor market collusion (no-poach agreements), further broadening the scope of EU competition law.


The Commission clarified that minority shareholdings become problematic, not only when used to gain inside information, but also to influence decisions in ways that harm competition. The Commission’s action sends a clear warning to companies across sectors—especially those with cross-shareholdings or investments in potential rivals (e.g., Big Tech, banking)—that even non-controlling stakes can trigger antitrust liability if used to coordinate behavior or exchange sensitive information, suggesting increased vigilance regarding minority shareholder arrangements and labor market collusion and that further investigations and enforcement actions may follow.

Main Arguments:


- Minority Shareholding as a Collusion Channel: Delivery Hero’s minority stake was central to the infringement as it enabled Delivery Hero to access Glovo’s commercially sensitive information, influence its decisions, and coordinate strategies—well beyond what is permissible for a passive financial investor

- Mechanisms of Collusion: Formal (board representation, voting rights, and shareholder agreements, including no-poach clauses); Informal (Direct communications, including WhatsApp messages and emails, and the sharing of strategic business information that should have remained confidential)


- Nature and Scope of Collusion: the two companies exchanged sensitive commercial information (e.g., pricing, capacity, costs, market strategies); agreed not to poach each other’s employees and suppressed labor mobility and wages; and agreed to avoid entering each other’s national markets and coordinating entry into new markets


Comment: US/EU emerging convergence on minority shareholdings antitrust liability?


The FTC/DoJ and the European Commission actions establish a new enforcement frontier: using antitrust law to police shareholder conduct. A more nuanced, effects-based analysis of conduct and influence, making the line between legitimate investor oversight and anti-competitive coordination not always obvious.


Both US and EU authorities are thus converging on an approach that scrutinizes the effects and conduct associated with minority shareholdings, rather than condemning the structure itself.